THE DEVELOPMENT OF
BY ANDRE GUNDER FRANK
We cannot hope to formulate adequate development theory
and policy for the majority of the world’s population who suffer from underdevelopment without first learning how their
past economic and social history gave rise to their present
underdevelopment. Yet most historians study only the developed
metropolitan countries and pay scant attention to the colonial
and underdeveloped lands. For this reason most of our theoretical categories and guides to development policy have been
distilled exclusively from the historical experience of the European and North American advanced capitalist nations.
Since the historical experience of the colonial and underdeveloped countries has demonstrably been quite different, available theory therefore fails to reflect the past of the underdeveloped part of the world entirely, and reflects the past of
the world as a whole only in part. More important, our ignorance of the underdeveloped countries’ history leads us to assume that their past and indeed their present resembles earlier
stages of the history of the now developed countries. This ignorance and this assumption lead us into serious misconceptions about contemporary underdevelopment and development.
Further, most studies of development and underdevelopment fail
to take account of the economic and other relations between
the metropolis and its economic colonies throughout the history
of the world-wide expansion and development of the mercantilist
and capitalist system. Consequently, most of our theory fails to
explain the structure and development of the capitalist system as
a whole and to account for its simultaneous generation of underdevelopment in some of its parts and of economic development
Andre Gunder Frank, a frequent contributor to MR, is Visiting
Professor in Economics and History at Sir George Williams University in
MONTHLY REVIEW SEPTEMBER 1966
It is generally held that economic development occurs in a
succession of capitalist stages and that today’s underdeveloped
countries are still in a stage, sometimes depicted as an original
stage of history, through which the now developed countries
passed long ago. Yet even a modest acquaintance with history
shows that underdevelopment is not original or traditional and
that neither the past nor the present of the underdeveloped countries resembles in any important respect the past of the now
developed countries. The now developed countries were never
v’ underdeveloped, though they may have been undeveloped. It is
also widely believed that the contemporary underdevelopment of
a country can be understood as the product or reflection solely
of its own economic, political, social, and cultural characteristics
or structure. Yet historical research demonstrates that contemporary underdevelopment is in large part the historical product of
past and continuing economic and other relations between the
satellite underdeveloped and the now developed metropolitan
countries. Furthermore, these relations are an essential part of
the structure and development of the capitalist system on a
world scale as a whole. A related and also largely erroneous
view is that the development of these underdeveloped countries
and, within them of their most underdeveloped domestic areas,
must and will be generated or stimulated by diffusing capital,
institutions, values, etc., to them from the international and national capitalist metropoles. Historical perspective based on the
underdeveloped countries’ past experience suggests that on the
contrary in the underdeveloped countries economic development
can now occur only independently of most of these relations of
Evident inequalities of income and differences in culture
have led many observers to see “dual” societies and economies
in the underdeveloped countries. Each of the two parts is
supposed to have a history of its own, a structure, and a contemporary dynamic largely independent of the other. Supposedly, only one part of the economy and society has been importantly affected by intimate economic relations with the “outside” capitalist world; and that part, it is held, became modern,
capitalist, and relatively developed precisely because of this
contact. The other part is widely regarded as variously isolated,
DEVELOPMENT OF UNDERDEVELOPMENT
subsistence-based, feudal, or precapitalist, and therefore more
I believe on the contrary that the entire “dual society”
thesis is false and that the policy recommendations to which it
leads will, if acted upon, serve only to intensify and perpetuate
the very conditions of underdevelopment they are supposedly
designed to remedy.
A mounting body of evidence suggests, and I am confident
that future historical research will confirm, that the expansion
of the capitalist system over the past centuries effectively and
entirely penetrated even the apparently most isolated sectors
of the underdeveloped world. Therefore, the economic, political,
social, and cultural institutions and relations we now observe
there are the products of the historical development of the
capitalist system no less than are the seemingly more modern
or capitalist features of the national metropoles of these underdeveloped countries. Analogously to the relations between development and underdevelopment on the international level, the
contemporary underdeveloped institutions of the so-called backward or feudal domestic areas of an underdeveloped country
are no lessthe product of the single historical process of capitalist
development than are the so-called capitalist institutions of the
supposedly more progressive areas. In this paper I should like to
sketch the kinds of evidence which support this thesis and at the
same time indicate lines along which further study and research
could fruitfully proceed.
The Secretary General of the Latin American Center for
Research in the Social Sciences writes in that Center’s journal:
“The privileged position of the city has its origin in the colonial
period. It was founded by the Conqueror to serve the same
ends that it still serves today; to incorporate the indigenous
population into the economy brought and developed by that
Conqueror and his descendants. The regional city was an instrument of conquest and is still today an instrument of domination.”‘* The Instituto Nacional Indigenista (National Indian In-
* Footnotes are at the end of the article.
MONTHLY REVIEW SEPTEMBER 1966
stitute) of Mexico confirms this observation when it notes that
“the mestizo population, in fact, always lives in a city, a center
of an intercultural region, which acts as the metropolis of a
zone of indigenous population and which maintains with the
underdeveloped communities an intimate relation which links
the center with the satellite communities.”? The Institute goes
on to point out that “between the mestizos who live in the
nuclear city of the region and the Indians who live in the
peasant hinterland there is in reality a closer economic and
social interdependence than might at first glance appear” and
that the provincial metropoles “by being centers of intercourse
are also centers of exploitation.l”
Thus these metropolis-satellite relations are not limited to
the imperial or international level but penetrate and structure
the very economic, political, and sociallife of the Latin American colonies and countries. Just as the colonial and national
capital and its export sector become the satellite of the Iberian
(and later of other) metropoles of the world economic system,
this satellite immediately becomes a colonial and then a national
metropolis with respect to the productive sectors and population
of the interior. Furthermore, the provincial capitals, which thus
are themselvessatellites of the national metropolis-and through
the latter of the world metropolis-are in turn provincial centers
around which their own local satellites orbit. Thus, a whole
chain of constellations of metropoles and satellites relates all
parts of the whole systemfrom its metropolitan center in Europe
or the United States to the farthest outpost in the Latin American countryside.
When we examine this metropolis-satellite structure, we
find that each of the satellites, including now-underdeveloped
Spain and Portugal, serves as an instrument to suck capital or
economic surplus out of its own satellites and to channel part
of this surplus to the world metropolis of which all are satellites.
Moreover, each national and local metropolis serves to impose
and maintain the monopolistic structure and exploitative relationship of this system (as the Instituto Nacional Indigenista of
Mexico callsit) as long as it servesthe interests of the metropoles
which take advantage of this global, national, and local structure
DEVElOPMENT OF UNDERDEVElOPMENT
to promote their own development and the enrichment of their
These are the principal and still surviving structural characteristics which were implanted in Latin America by the
Conquest. Beyond examining the establishment of this colonial
structure in its historical context, the proposed approach calls
for study of the development-and underdevelopment-of these
metropoles and satellites of Latin America throughout the following and still continuing historical process. In this way we
can understand why there were and still are tendencies in the
Latin American and world capitalist structure which seem to
lead to the development of the metropolis and the underdevelopment of the satellite and why, particularly, the satellized
national, regional, and local metropoles in Latin America find
that their economic development is at best a limited or underdeveloped development.
That present underdevelopment of Latin America is the
result of its centuries-long participation in the process of world
capitalist development, I believe I have shown in my case
studies of the economic and social histories of Chile and
Brazil.’ My study of Chilean history suggeststhat the Conquest
not only incorporated this country fully into the expansion
and development of the world mercantile and later industrial
capitalist system but that it also introduced the monopolistic
metropolis-satellite structure and development of capitalism into
the Chilean domestic economy and society itself. This structure
then penetrated and permeated all of Chile very quickly. Since
that time and in the course of world and Chilean history during
the epochs of colonialism, free trade, imperialism, and the
present, Chile has become increasingly marked by the economic,
social, and political structure of satellite underdevelopment. This
development of underdevelopment continues today, both in
Chile’s still increasing satellization by the world metropolis and
through the ever more acute polarization of Chile’s domestic
The history of Brazil is perhaps the clearest case of both
MONTHLY REVIEW SEPTEMBER 1966
national and regional development of underdevelopment. The
expansion of the world economy since the beginning of the
sixteenth century successivelyconverted the Northeast, the Minas
Gerais interior, the North, and the Center-South (Rio de
Janeiro, Sao Paulo, and Parana) into export economies and
incorporated them into the structure and development of the
world capitalist system. Each of these regions experienced what
may have appeared as economic development during the period
of its respective golden age. But it was a satellite development
which was neither self-generating nor self-perpetuating. As the
market or the productivity of the first three regions declined,
foreign and domestic economic interest in them waned; and
they were left to develop the underdevelopment they live today.
In the fourth region, the coffee economy experienced a similar
though not yet quite as serious fate (though the development
of a synthetic coffee substitute promises to deal it a mortal
blow in the not too distant future). All of this historical evidence
contradicts the generally accepted theses that Latin America
suffers from a dual society or from the survival of feudal institutions and that these are important obstacles to its economic
During the First World War, however, and even more during the Great Depression and the Second World War, Sao
Paulo began to build up an industrial establishment which is
the largest in Latin America today. The question arises whether
this industrial development did or can break Brazil out of the
cycle of satellite development and underdevelopment which has
characterized its other regions and national history within the
capitalist system so far. I believe that the answer is no.
Domestically the evidence so far is fairly clear. The development
of industry in Sao Paulo has not brought greater riches to the
other regions of Brazil. Instead, it converted them into internal
colonial satellites, de-capitalized them further, and consolidated
or even deepened their underdevelopment. There is little evidence to suggest that this process is likely to be reversed in the
foreseeable future except insofar as the provincial poor migrate
DEVELOPMENT OF UNDERDEVELOPMENT
and become the poor of the metropolitan cities. Externally, the
evidence is that although the initial development of Sao Paulo’s
industry was relatively autonomous it is being increasingly
satellized by the world capitalist metropolis and its future development possibilitiesare increasingly restricted.” This development, my studies lead me to believe, also appears destined to
limited or underdeveloped development as long as it takes place
in the present economic, political, and social framework.
We must conclude, in short, that underdevelopment is not
due to the survival of archaic institutions and the existence of
capital shortage in regions that have remained isolated from the
stream of world history. On the contrary, underdevelopment was
and still is generated by the very same historical process which
also generated economic development: the development of
capitalism itself.This view, I am glad to say, is gaining adherents
among students of Latin America and is proving its worth in
shedding new light on the problems of the area and in affording
a better perspective for the formulation of theory and policy.”
The same historical and structural approach can also lead
to better development theory and policy by generating a series
of hypotheses about development and underdevelopment such as
those I am testing in my current research. The hypotheses are
derived from the empirical observation and theoretical assumption that within this world-embracing metropolis-satellite structure the metropoles tend to develop and the satellites to underdevelop. The first hypothesis has already been mentioned above:
that in contrast to the development of the world metropolis
which is no one’s satellite, the development of the national and
other subordinate metropoles is limited by their satellite status.
It is perhaps more difficult to test this hypothesis than the following ones because part of its confirmation depends on the test
of the other hypotheses. Nonetheless, this hypothesis appears to
be generally confirmed by the non-autonomous and unsatisfactory economic and especially industrial development of Latin
America’s national metropoles, as documented in the studies already cited. The most important and at the same time most
MONTHLY REVIEW SEPTEMBER 1966
confirmatory examples are the metropolitan regions of Buenos
Aires and Sao Paulo whose growth only began in the nineteenth
century, was therefore largely untrammelled by any colonial
heritage, but was and remains a satellite development largely
dependent on the outside metropolis, first of Britain and then of
the United States.
A second hypothesis is that the satellites experience their
greatest economic development and especially their most classically capitalist industrial development if and when their ties to
their metropolis are weakest. This hypothesis is almost diametrically opposed to the generally accepted thesis that development in the underdeveloped countries follows from the greatest
degree of contact with and diffusion from the metropolitan
developed countries. This hypothesis seems to be confirmed by
two kinds of relative isolation that Latin America has experienced
in the course of its history. One is the temporary isolation caused,
by the crises of war or depression in the world metropolis. Apart
from minor ones, five periods of such major crisesstand out and
seen to confirm the hypothesis. These are: the European (and
especially Spanish) Depression of the seventeenth century, the
Napoleonic Wars, the First World War, the Depression of the
1930’s, and the Second World War. It is clearly established and
generally recognized that the most important recent industrial
development-especially of Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico, but
also of other countries such as Chile-has taken place precisely
during the periods of the two World Wars and the intervening
Depression. Thanks to the consequent loosening of trade and
investment ties during these periods, the satellitesinitiated marked autonomous industrialization and growth. Historical research
demonstrates that the same thing happened in Latin America
during Europe’s seventeenth-century depression. Manufacturing
grew in the Latin American countries, and several of them such
as Chile became exporters of manufactured goods. The Napoleonic Wars gave rise to independence movements in Latin
America, and these should perhaps also be interpreted as confirming the development hypothesis in part.
The other kind of isolation which tends to confirm the
second hypothesis is the geographic and economic isolation of
DEVELOPMENT OF UNDERDEVELOPMENT
regions which at one time were relatively weakly tied to and
poorly integrated into the mercantilist and capitalist system. My
preliminary research suggeststhat in Latin America it was these
regions which initiated and experienced the most promising
self-generating economic development of the classical industrial
capitalist type. The most important regional cases probably are
Tucuman and Asuncion, as well as other citiessuch as Mendoza
and Rosario, in the interior of Argentina and Paraguay during
the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth
centuries. Seventeenth and eighteenth century Sao Paulo, long
before coffee was grown there, is another example. Perhaps
Antioquia in Colombia and Puebla and Queretaro in Mexico
are other examples. In its own way, Chile was also an example
since, before the sea route around the Hom was opened, this
country was relatively isolated at the end of the long voyage
from Europe via Panama. All of these regions became manufacturing centers and even exporters, usually of textiles, during
the periods preceding their effective incorporation as satellites
into the colonial, national, and world capitalist system.
Internationally, of course, the classic case of industrialization through non-participation as a satellite in the capitalist
world system is obviously that of Japan after the Meiji Restoration. Why, one may ask, was resource-poor but unsatellized
Japan able to industrialize so quickly at the end of the century
while resource-rich Latin American countries and Russia were
not able to do so and the latter was easily beaten by Japan in
the War of 1904 after the same forty years of development
efforts? The second hypothesis suggests that the fundamental
reason is that Japan was not satellized either during the
Tokugawa or the Meiji period and therefore did not have its
development structurally limited as did the countries which were
A corollary of the second hypothesis is that when the
metropolis recovers from its crisis and re-establishes the trade
and investment ties which fully re-incorporate the satellites into
the system, or when the metropolis expands to incorporate pre25
MONTHLY REVIEW SEPTEMBER 1966
viously isolated regions into the world-wide system, the previous
development and industrialization of these regions is choked off
or channelled into directions which are not self-perpetuating and
promising. This happened after each of the five crises cited
above. The renewed expansion of trade and the spread of economic liberalism in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
choked off and reversed the manufacturing development which
Latin America had experienced during the seventeenth century,
and in some places at the beginning of the nineteenth.
After the First World War, the new national industry of Brazil
suffered serious consequences from American economic invasion.
The increase in the growth rate of Gross National Product and
particularly of industrialization throughout Latin America was
again reversed and industry became increasingly satellized after
the Second World War and especially after the post-Korean
War recovery and expansion of the metropolis. Far from having
become more developed since then, industrial sectors of Brazil
and most conspicuously of Argentina have become structurally
more and more underdeveloped and less and less able to
generate continued industrialization and/or sustain development
of the economy. This process, from which India also suffers,
is reflected in a whole gamut of balance-of-payments, inflationary, and other economic and political difficulties, and promises
to yield to no solution short of far-reaching structural change.
Our hypothesis suggests that fundamentally the same processoccurred even more dramatically with the incorporation into
the system of previously unsatellized regions. The expansion of
Buenos Aires as a satellite of Great Britain and the introduction
of free trade in the interest of the ruling groups of both
metropoles destroyed the manufacturing and much of the remainder of the economic base of the previously relatively
prosperous interior almost entirely. Manufacturing was destroyed
by foreign competition, lands were taken and concentrated into
latifundia by the rapaciously growing export economy, intraregional distribution of income became much more unequal, and
the previously developing regions became simple satellites of
Buenos Aires and through it of London. The provincial centers
did not yield to satellization without a struggle. This metropolis26
DEVELOPMENT OF UNDERDEVELOPMENT
satellite conflict was much of the cause of the long political and
armed struggle between the Unitarists in Buenos Aires and the
Federalists in the provinces, and it may be said to have been the
sole important cause of the War of the Triple Alliance in which
Buenos Aires, Montevideo, and Rio de Janeiro, encouraged and
helped by London, destroyed not only the autonomously developing economy of Paraguay but killed off nearly all of its
population which was unwilling to give in. Though this is no
doubt the most spectacular example which tends to confirm the
hypothesis, I believe that historical research on the satellization
of previously relatively independent yeoman-farming and incipient manufacturing regions such as the Caribbean islands will
confirm it further.’ These regions did not have a chance against
the forces of expanding and developing capitalism, and their
own development had to be sacrificed to that of others. The
economy and industry of Argentina, Brazil, and other countries
which have experienced the effects of metropolitan recovery
since the Second World War are today suffering much the same
fate, if fortunately still in lesser degree.
A third major hypothesis derived from the metropolissatellite structure is that the regions which are the most underdeveloped and feudal-seeming today are the ones which had
the closestties to the metropolis in the past. They are the regions
which were the greatest exporters of primary products to and
the biggest sources of capital for the world metropolis and which
were abandoned by the metropolis when for one reason or another business fell off. This hypothesis also contradicts the
generally held thesis that the source of a region’s underdevelopment is its isolation and its pre-capitalist institutions.
This hypothesis seemsto be amply confirmed by the former
super-satellite development and present ultra-underdevelopment
of the once sugar-exporting West Indies, Northeastern Brazil,
the ex-mining districts of Minas Gerais in Brazil, highland Peru, and Bolivia, and the central Mexican states of
Guanajuato, Zacatecas, and others whose names were made
world famous centuries ago by their silver. There surely are no
MONTHLY REVIEW SEPTEMBER 1966
major regions in Latin America which are today more cursed
by underdevelopment and poverty; yet all of these regions, like
Bengal in India, once provided the life blood of mercantile and
industrial capitalist development-in the metropolis. These regions’ participation in the development of the world capitalist
system gave them, already in their golden age, the typical structure of underdevelopment of a capitalist export economy. When
the market for their sugar or the wealth of their mines disappeared and the metropolis abandoned them to their own
devices, the already existing economic, political, and social
structure of these regions prohibited autonomous generation of
economic development and left them no alternative but to turn
in upon themselves and to degenerate into the ultra-underdevelopment we find there today.
These considerations suggest two further and related hypotheses. One is that the latifundium, irrespective of whether it
appears as a plantation or a hacienda today, was typically born
as a commercial enterprise which created for itself the institutions which permitted it to respond to increased demand in the
world or national market by expanding the amount of its land,
capital, and labor and to increase the supply of its products.
The fifth hypothesisis that the latifundia which appear isolated,
subsistence-based, and semi-feudal today saw the demand for
their products or their productive capacity decline and that they
are to be found principally in the above-named former agricultural and mining export regions whose economic activity
declined in general. These two hypotheses run counter to the
notions of most people, and even to the opinions of some
historians and other students of the subject, according to whom
the historical roots and socio-economiccauses of Latin American
latifundia and agrarian institutions are to be found in the
transfer of feudal institutions from Europe and/or in economic
The evidence to test these hypotheses is not open to easy
general inspection and requires detailed analyses of many cases.
Nonetheless, some important confirmatory evidence is available.
DEVELOPMENT OF UNDERDEVELOPMENT
The growth of the latifundium in nineteenth-century Argentina
and Cuba is a clear case in support of the fourth hypothesis and
can in no way be attributed to the transfer of feudal institutions
during colonial times. The same is evidently the case of the postrevolutionary and contemporary resurgence of latifundia particularly in the North of Mexico, which produce for the American market, and of similar ones on the coast of Peru and the
new coffee regions of Brazil. The conversion of previously yeoman-farming Caribbean islands, such as Barbados, into sugarexporting economies at various times between the seventeenth
and twentieth centuries and the resulting rise of the latifundia in
these islands would seem to confirm the fourth hypothesis as
well. In Chile, the rise of the latifundium and the creation of the
institutions of servitude which later came to be called feudal
occurred in the eighteenth century and have been conclusively
shown to be the result of and response to the opening of a
market for Chilean wheat in Lima.” Even the growth and
consolidation of the latifundium in seventeenth-century Mexico
-which most expert students have attributed to a depression
of the economy caused by the decline of mining and a shortage
of Indian labor and to a consequent turning in upon itself and
ruralization of the economy-occurred at a time when urban
population and demand were growing, food shortages becameacute, food prices skyrocketed, and the profitability of other
economic activities such as mining and foreign trade declined.”
All of these and other factors rendered hacienda agriculture
more profitable. Thus, even this case would seem to confirm
the hypothesis that the growth of the latifundium and its feudalseeming conditions of servitude in Latin America has always
been and still is the commercial response to increased demand
and that it does not represent the transfer or survival of alien
institutions that have remained beyond the reach of capitalist
development. The emergence of latifundia, which today really are more or less (though not entirely) isolated, might
then be attributed to the causes advanced in the fifth hypothesis-i-i.e., the decline of previously profitable agricultural
enterprises whose capital was, and whose currently produced
economic surplus still is, transferred elsewhere by owners and
MONTHLY REVIEW SEPTEMBER 1966
merchants who frequently are the same persons or families.
Testing this hypothesis requires still more detailed analysis, some
of which I have undertaken in a study on Brazilian agriculture.’?
All of these hypotheses and studies suggest that the global
extension and unity of the capitalist system, its monopoly structure and uneven development throughout its history, and the
resulting persistence of commercial rather than industrial capitalism in the underdeveloped world (including its most industrially
advanced countries) deserve much more attention in the study
of economic development and cultural change than they have
hitherto received. Though science and truth know no national
boundaries, it is probably new generations of scientists from
the underdeveloped countries themselves who most need to, and
best can, devote the necessary attention to these problems and
clarify the process of underdevelopment and development. It is
their people who in the last analysis face the task of changing
this no longer acceptable process and eliminating this miserable
They will not be able to accomplish these goals by importing sterile stereotypes from the metropolis which do not correspond to their satellite economic reality and do not respond
to their liberating political needs. To change their reality they
must understand it. For this reason, I hope that better confirmation of these hypotheses and further pursuit of the proposed
historical, holistic, and structural approach may help the peoples
of the underdeveloped countries to understand the causes and
eliminate the reality of their development of underdevelopment
and their underdevelopment of development.
DEVELOPMENT OF UNDERDEVELOPMENT
1. America Latina, Afio 6, No.4, October-December 1963, p. 8.
2. Instituto Nacional Indigenista, Los centros coordinadores indigenistas,
Mexico, 1962, p. 34.
3. Ibid., pp. 33-34, 88.
4. “Capitalist Development and Underdevelopment in Chile” and “Capitalist Development and Underdevelopment in Brazil” in Capitalism and
Underdevelopment in Latin America, to be published soon by Monthly
5. Also see, “The Growth and Decline of Import Substitution,” Economic
Bulletin for Latin America, New York, IX, No.1, March 1964; and
Celso Furtado, Dialectica do Desenvolvimiento, Rio de Janeiro, Fundo
de Cultura, 1964.
6. Others who use a similar approach, though their ideologies do not
permit them to derive the logically following conclusions, are Anibal
Pinto S.C., Chile: Un caso de desarrollo frustrado, Santiago, Editorial
Universitaria, 1957; Celso Furtado, A [ormaqao econ6mica do Brasil,
Rio de Janeiro, Fundo de Cultura, 1959 (recently translated into
English and published under the title The Economic Growth of Brazil
by the University of California Press); and Caio Prado Junior, Historia
Econ6mica do Brasil, Sao Paulo, Editora Brasiliense, 7th ed., 1962.
7. See for instance Ramon Guerra y Sanchez, Azucar y Poblaci6n en las
Antillas, Havana 1942, 2nd ed., also published as Sugar and Society
in the Caribbean, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1964.
8. Mario Gongora, Origen de los “inquilinos” de Chile central, Santiago,
Editorial Universitaria, 1960; Jean Borde and Mario Gongora, Euoluci6n de la propiedad rur.al en el Valle del Puango, Santiago, Instituto
de Sociologia de la Universidad de Chile; Sergio Sepulveda, El trigo
chileno en el mercado mundial; Santiago, Editorial Universitario, 1959.
9. Woodrow Borah makes depression the centerpiece of his explanation
in “New Spain’s Century of Depression,” Ibero-Americana, Berkeley,
No. 35, 1951. Francois Chevalier speaks of turning in upon itself in
the most authoritative study of the subject, “La formacion de los
grandes latifundios en Mexico,” Mexico, Problemas Agrlcolas e Industriales de Mexico, VIII, No.1, 1956 (translated from the French
and recently published by the University of California Press). The
data which provide the basis for my contrary interpretation are supplied by these authors themselves. This problem is discussed in my
“Con que modo de produccion convierte la gallina maiz en huevos
de oro?” El Gallo Ilustrado, Suplemento de El Dla, Mexico, Nos. 175
and 179, October 31 and November 28, 1965; and it is further
analyzed in a study of Mexican agriculture under preparation by the
10. “Capitalism and the Myth of Feudalism in Brazilian Agriculture,” in
Capitalism and Underdevelopment in Latin America, cited in footnote
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Are your writers competent enough to handle my paper?
Our essay writers are graduates with bachelor's, masters, Ph.D., and doctorate degrees in various subjects. The minimum requirement to be an essay writer with our essay writing service is to have a college degree. All our academic writers have a minimum of two years of academic writing. We have a stringent recruitment process to ensure that we get only the most competent essay writers in the industry. We also ensure that the writers are handsomely compensated for their value. The majority of our writers are native English speakers. As such, the fluency of language and grammar is impeccable.
What if I don’t like the paper?
There is a very low likelihood that you won’t like the paper.
- When assigning your order, we match the paper’s discipline with the writer’s field/specialization. Since all our writers are graduates, we match the paper’s subject with the field the writer studied. For instance, if it’s a nursing paper, only a nursing graduate and writer will handle it. Furthermore, all our writers have academic writing experience and top-notch research skills.
- We have a quality assurance that reviews the paper before it gets to you. As such, we ensure that you get a paper that meets the required standard and will most definitely make the grade.
In the event that you don’t like your paper:
- The writer will revise the paper up to your pleasing. You have unlimited revisions. You simply need to highlight what specifically you don’t like about the paper, and the writer will make the amendments. The paper will be revised until you are satisfied. Revisions are free of charge
- We will have a different writer write the paper from scratch.
- Last resort, if the above does not work, we will refund your money.
Will the professor find out I didn’t write the paper myself?
Not at all. All papers are written from scratch. There is no way your tutor or instructor will realize that you did not write the paper yourself. In fact, we recommend using our assignment help services for consistent results.
What if the paper is plagiarized?
We check all papers for plagiarism before we submit them. We use powerful plagiarism checking software such as SafeAssign, LopesWrite, and Turnitin. We also upload the plagiarism report so that you can review it. We understand that plagiarism is academic suicide. We would not take the risk of submitting plagiarized work and jeopardize your academic journey. Furthermore, we do not sell or use prewritten papers, and each paper is written from scratch.
When will I get my paper?
You determine when you get the paper by setting the deadline when placing the order. All papers are delivered within the deadline. We are well aware that we operate in a time-sensitive industry. As such, we have laid out strategies to ensure that the client receives the paper on time and they never miss the deadline. We understand that papers that are submitted late have some points deducted. We do not want you to miss any points due to late submission. We work on beating deadlines by huge margins in order to ensure that you have ample time to review the paper before you submit it.
Will anyone find out that I used your services?
We have a privacy and confidentiality policy that guides our work. We NEVER share any customer information with third parties. Noone will ever know that you used our assignment help services. It’s only between you and us. We are bound by our policies to protect the customer’s identity and information. All your information, such as your names, phone number, email, order information, and so on, are protected. We have robust security systems that ensure that your data is protected. Hacking our systems is close to impossible, and it has never happened.
How our Assignment Help Service Works
1. Place an order
You fill all the paper instructions in the order form. Make sure you include all the helpful materials so that our academic writers can deliver the perfect paper. It will also help to eliminate unnecessary revisions.
2. Pay for the order
Proceed to pay for the paper so that it can be assigned to one of our expert academic writers. The paper subject is matched with the writer’s area of specialization.
3. Track the progress
You communicate with the writer and know about the progress of the paper. The client can ask the writer for drafts of the paper. The client can upload extra material and include additional instructions from the lecturer. Receive a paper.
4. Download the paper
The paper is sent to your email and uploaded to your personal account. You also get a plagiarism report attached to your paper.
PLACE THIS ORDER OR A SIMILAR ORDER WITH US TODAY AND GET A PERFECT SCORE!!!